The Clover Helix
September 16, 2009
www.thecloverhelix.blogspot.com
On September 15, 2009, the House of Representatives voted to rebuke Republican Representative Addison Graves "Joe" Wilson for yelling “you lie!” during President Obama’s speech on Health Care reform before a nationally televised joint session of Congress. This resolution of disapproval, which passed 240-179 largely along party lines, was essentially an enforcement of a long-standing tradition prohibiting direct public questioning, and particularly heckling, of the President.
Though Representative Wilson’s infamous outburst has drawn the ire of much of the media, we must understand that the President had no intention of fielding questions from our representatives concerning his health care proposals after the speech. Unfortunately, communication with the U.S. President works like television: the president speaks and the People listen with no opportunity for reciprocity. The discussion is then carried into the media outlets or congressional “town-hall” meetings where politicians push their positions and spin public outrage as being the result of partisan propaganda. References to swastikas and Nazi Germany are rapidly used by both politicians (i.e. comments made by Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi) and the public (as occurred at Representative Barney Frank’s town hall meeting) in assessment of each others agendas. However, the Office of the President (the source of the debate) is largely shielded from direct confrontation by either the Public or their Representatives.
Most Americans are aware that in Britain the Prime Minister is required to appear before the parliament where they can be questioned directly on virtually any national issue and the Prime Minister is expected to respond to these questions. Currently, the U.S. Constitution requires no forum by which the Congress or the People may directly debate the executive branch’s policies or authority, and does not require a public response from the President. If such a provision existed, outbursts of frustration, such as Joe Wilson’s, would likely not occur; rather a productive public discussion with the President may have ensued.
It’s critical that the office of the President publicly answer our representative’s questions concerning our nation’s domestic and foreign policies. As such, it was critical that former President George W. Bush be publicly questioned concerning our national policies on torture, war, the September 11th events, dollar devaluation, bailouts, the Patriot Act as well as scores of other issues. Unfortunately this public discourse never occurred. Perhaps a constitutional amendment ought to be proposed to rectify this problem and require the Congress and/or the state governors to directly and publicly discuss America’s policies with the President.
Wednesday, September 16, 2009
Tuesday, September 8, 2009
Our New America: A Retread of the Old Prussian Paradigm
The Clover Helix
www.thecloverhelix.blogspot.com
Tuesday, September 8, 2009
“Is the any thing whereof it may be said, ‘see, this is new?’ it hath been already of old time, which was before us.” Ecclesiastes 1:10
Anybody even marginally acquainted with world history is aware that Prussia came to be one of the most regimented militaristic nations the world had seen since the height of ancient Sparta. Located in what is now Germany and western Poland, Prussia’s military tradition found them deeply involved in virtually every major European conflict from the 13th century through World War I. Prussian citizens were rigorously trained to achieve economic and military supremacy for the State. These values were so imprinted upon the national psyche that the citizenry was willing to sacrifice their lives, and the lives of their families, to achieve these ends. Legendary for their courage and frequent success on the battlefield, conscripted Prussian subjects and Germans alike were frequently rented to foreign powers by Prussian rulers to fight in foreign wars. Financially, Prussia had little in the way of natural resources and, as such, became a manufacturing economy whereby they were able to influence foreign markets across the world. At the end of the Franco-Prussian War (1870-71) Germany became a unified nation under Prussian leadership. A permanently mobilized Prussia (and later Germany) took on the mantle of a new Sparta in every sense: militarily, socially, economically, and politically. Intimidation, complex military alliances, and war were the foreign policy.
It has been well documented that the seeds for America’s modern education system was taken directly from Prussia’s scientifically-engineered public educational program during the 1840’s and 1850’s, and that these seeds blossomed in America’s new research-based university system (another Prussian contrivance) during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Since that time, the intellectual consciousness of the United States has been irretrievably altered and the nation has since emerged as a financial, political, military, and academic power whose influence extends to virtually every point on planet Earth. Though the post-Progressive Era of the United States has been referred to by some writers as the New America due to the proliferation and implementation of “progressive” (Prussian) ideas, it’s clear that the post-World War II era has seen their grand fulfillment. For a splendid discussion of this transformation and the resultant consequences for the United States, read John Taylor Gatto’s essay "The Underground History of American Education: An Intimate Investigation into the Prison of Modern Schooling."
Besides the wholesale entrenchment of Prussian-style education, America has adopted many other Prussian state concepts. Concerning our New American foreign policy, consider this description of 18th century Prussia by historian Thomas Macauley: “The King carried on warfare as no European power ever had, he governed his own kingdom as he would govern a besieged town, not caring to what extent private property was destroyed or civil life suspended. The coin was debased, civil functionaries unpaid, but as long as means for destroying life remained, [the King] was determined to fight to the last.” This Prussian way of life has found a new place in America.
Prior to the Spanish-American War (1898), whenever the United States became engrossed in any kind of international conflict, it would raise a military force, purchase weapons and equipment, carry out the war, and then disarm. It had been widely accepted that America’s fully-armed citizenry (militia) could repel an attack on the homeland until an army could be organized to expel the invader and, if possible, launch a counterattack. This was the classic model for American self-defense. This changed when the American battleship USS Maine unexpectedly exploded in Spanish Cuba, an event that was attributed as an act of Spanish terrorism. The United States government seized the opportunity and the American military routed Spanish forces across the world. Ultimately, the Treaty of Paris was signed and Cuba, the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Guam as well as worldwide military prestige were handed to the United States. America had used the tragedy of the USS Maine to assume Spain’s position as a world power and establish an empire of its own. Today, most Americans aren’t even aware that Cuba and the Philippines had once been parts of the United States for almost fifty years.
After the Spanish-American War, the United States began to invest in new battleships to patrol its far-flung possessions. Additionally, the army was only partially reduced, yet the American people perceived that the country had largely disarmed. Any foreign invasion would have to come by sea, and Americans felt prepared for such an event. As a consequence, when World War I erupted in 1914, Americans had no interest in getting involved in the war as Germany simply was not perceived as a mortal threat to the United States.
Getting America into the war required a string of maritime catastrophes, beginning with the sinking of the HMS Lusitania in 1915 by the German Navy. However, it took almost two years of intense political lobbying to convince the U.S. Congress to declare war on Germany and her allies as most Americans were not convinced that these tragedies were sufficient cause for involvement. In retrospect, America’s interest in getting involved was more likely to gain participation in the negotiation of any peace compromise. In the end, Prussia was split up and replaced by the Weimar Republic. Angry and humiliated by the World War I armistice, hyperinflation, and the Great Depression, Germans created a new Republic and a fully-armed and mobilized Third Reich was born. Yet again, except for a formidable Navy, a growing regular Army, and the fledgling Army Air Corps, the United States appeared to disarm after the war.
The period from 1918 through 1941 would be the last time that the United States would be a relatively disarmed nation as the final remnants of Jefferson’s noninterventionist America were finally destroyed when the Imperial Japanese Navy dramatically attacked Hawaii in 1941. When World War II originally broke out in September of 1939, public opinion was similar to World War I: decidedly neutral. Americans had readily found fault with the positions of both the Allies and the Germans and, still being mired in the Great Depression, it was clear that the U.S. couldn’t afford to fight a war. Despite this public opinion, the U.S. government quickly froze Japanese assets and suspended fuel shipments while providing financial and military aid to England and China, Japan and Germany’s wartime enemies. In hindsight, had the U.S. government maintained a truly neutral position the attack on Hawaii may never have happened. Nevertheless, this surprise attack on American soil transformed our republic from a free society to one in perpetual fear of foreign attack. Since December 7th, 1941, the United States has maintained a fully-armed and technologically advanced land, sea, and air invasion force, the power of which the world has never before seen. Japan’s reward for their surprise attack was punctuated by nuclear attacks on two cities handing them a humiliating defeat. None of Japan's wartime allies have returned as major military powers since.
America’s transformation to a military megapower has become complete. Since World War II the United States has been involved in virtually every major conflict, constructed bases in countries that are decidedly anti-American, and intervened in global financial markets. America even began to fight wars on behalf of foreign governments. To avoid the perception of renting out U.S. troops to foreign countries, the nation currently pays for the privilege of defending Europe, Israel, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia out of its own treasury. America finances this policy though increased personal income taxation, money borrowed with interest from the very countries it is defending (even some borrowing from her enemies), and continual printing and debasement of the U.S. dollar via the Federal Reserve Bank (an institution modeled after Prussia’s Reichsbank). In the Korean and Vietnam conflicts, the United States government even conscripted unwilling citizens to fight for these foreign governments, a complete reversal of American policy since 1941; yet a very Prussian concept.
Thomas Jefferson said "[c]onquest is not in our principles. It is inconsistent with our government." Obviously, a major paradigm shift has occurred since the days of Jefferson. In September 1902, Canadian writer Beckles Willson wrote in the preface of his book The new America: a Study of the Imperial Republic the following: "In 1892 to have adumbrated the present role of America in Welt politik would have excited derision. Since that date, we have, however, seen an American Empire arise; alien and distant races now bow the knee to the American ruler. America's accents,though brusque and untrained, are beginning to be heard respectfully in the concert of nations." Willson uses the interesting term Welt politik (translated from German means world policy), an official German policy term that sought Germany's place in the sun commensurate with its rising industrial strength, primarily through creation of a colonial empire to rival those of other powers.
How has the United States government been able to keep its citizenry from objecting to these sweeping policy changes? Again we look back to Prussia where John Taylor Gatto tells us that during the 18th and 19th centuries “[e]very existence was comprehensively subordinated to the purposes of the State, and in exchange the State agreed to act as a good father, giving food, work, and wages suited to the people’s capacity, welfare for the poor and elderly, and universal schooling for children.” Keep this in mind when the government is offering “free” government services (i.e. health care, social security) while expanding its undeclared wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan.
www.thecloverhelix.blogspot.com
Tuesday, September 8, 2009
“Is the any thing whereof it may be said, ‘see, this is new?’ it hath been already of old time, which was before us.” Ecclesiastes 1:10
Anybody even marginally acquainted with world history is aware that Prussia came to be one of the most regimented militaristic nations the world had seen since the height of ancient Sparta. Located in what is now Germany and western Poland, Prussia’s military tradition found them deeply involved in virtually every major European conflict from the 13th century through World War I. Prussian citizens were rigorously trained to achieve economic and military supremacy for the State. These values were so imprinted upon the national psyche that the citizenry was willing to sacrifice their lives, and the lives of their families, to achieve these ends. Legendary for their courage and frequent success on the battlefield, conscripted Prussian subjects and Germans alike were frequently rented to foreign powers by Prussian rulers to fight in foreign wars. Financially, Prussia had little in the way of natural resources and, as such, became a manufacturing economy whereby they were able to influence foreign markets across the world. At the end of the Franco-Prussian War (1870-71) Germany became a unified nation under Prussian leadership. A permanently mobilized Prussia (and later Germany) took on the mantle of a new Sparta in every sense: militarily, socially, economically, and politically. Intimidation, complex military alliances, and war were the foreign policy.
It has been well documented that the seeds for America’s modern education system was taken directly from Prussia’s scientifically-engineered public educational program during the 1840’s and 1850’s, and that these seeds blossomed in America’s new research-based university system (another Prussian contrivance) during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Since that time, the intellectual consciousness of the United States has been irretrievably altered and the nation has since emerged as a financial, political, military, and academic power whose influence extends to virtually every point on planet Earth. Though the post-Progressive Era of the United States has been referred to by some writers as the New America due to the proliferation and implementation of “progressive” (Prussian) ideas, it’s clear that the post-World War II era has seen their grand fulfillment. For a splendid discussion of this transformation and the resultant consequences for the United States, read John Taylor Gatto’s essay "The Underground History of American Education: An Intimate Investigation into the Prison of Modern Schooling."
Besides the wholesale entrenchment of Prussian-style education, America has adopted many other Prussian state concepts. Concerning our New American foreign policy, consider this description of 18th century Prussia by historian Thomas Macauley: “The King carried on warfare as no European power ever had, he governed his own kingdom as he would govern a besieged town, not caring to what extent private property was destroyed or civil life suspended. The coin was debased, civil functionaries unpaid, but as long as means for destroying life remained, [the King] was determined to fight to the last.” This Prussian way of life has found a new place in America.
Prior to the Spanish-American War (1898), whenever the United States became engrossed in any kind of international conflict, it would raise a military force, purchase weapons and equipment, carry out the war, and then disarm. It had been widely accepted that America’s fully-armed citizenry (militia) could repel an attack on the homeland until an army could be organized to expel the invader and, if possible, launch a counterattack. This was the classic model for American self-defense. This changed when the American battleship USS Maine unexpectedly exploded in Spanish Cuba, an event that was attributed as an act of Spanish terrorism. The United States government seized the opportunity and the American military routed Spanish forces across the world. Ultimately, the Treaty of Paris was signed and Cuba, the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Guam as well as worldwide military prestige were handed to the United States. America had used the tragedy of the USS Maine to assume Spain’s position as a world power and establish an empire of its own. Today, most Americans aren’t even aware that Cuba and the Philippines had once been parts of the United States for almost fifty years.
After the Spanish-American War, the United States began to invest in new battleships to patrol its far-flung possessions. Additionally, the army was only partially reduced, yet the American people perceived that the country had largely disarmed. Any foreign invasion would have to come by sea, and Americans felt prepared for such an event. As a consequence, when World War I erupted in 1914, Americans had no interest in getting involved in the war as Germany simply was not perceived as a mortal threat to the United States.
Getting America into the war required a string of maritime catastrophes, beginning with the sinking of the HMS Lusitania in 1915 by the German Navy. However, it took almost two years of intense political lobbying to convince the U.S. Congress to declare war on Germany and her allies as most Americans were not convinced that these tragedies were sufficient cause for involvement. In retrospect, America’s interest in getting involved was more likely to gain participation in the negotiation of any peace compromise. In the end, Prussia was split up and replaced by the Weimar Republic. Angry and humiliated by the World War I armistice, hyperinflation, and the Great Depression, Germans created a new Republic and a fully-armed and mobilized Third Reich was born. Yet again, except for a formidable Navy, a growing regular Army, and the fledgling Army Air Corps, the United States appeared to disarm after the war.
The period from 1918 through 1941 would be the last time that the United States would be a relatively disarmed nation as the final remnants of Jefferson’s noninterventionist America were finally destroyed when the Imperial Japanese Navy dramatically attacked Hawaii in 1941. When World War II originally broke out in September of 1939, public opinion was similar to World War I: decidedly neutral. Americans had readily found fault with the positions of both the Allies and the Germans and, still being mired in the Great Depression, it was clear that the U.S. couldn’t afford to fight a war. Despite this public opinion, the U.S. government quickly froze Japanese assets and suspended fuel shipments while providing financial and military aid to England and China, Japan and Germany’s wartime enemies. In hindsight, had the U.S. government maintained a truly neutral position the attack on Hawaii may never have happened. Nevertheless, this surprise attack on American soil transformed our republic from a free society to one in perpetual fear of foreign attack. Since December 7th, 1941, the United States has maintained a fully-armed and technologically advanced land, sea, and air invasion force, the power of which the world has never before seen. Japan’s reward for their surprise attack was punctuated by nuclear attacks on two cities handing them a humiliating defeat. None of Japan's wartime allies have returned as major military powers since.
America’s transformation to a military megapower has become complete. Since World War II the United States has been involved in virtually every major conflict, constructed bases in countries that are decidedly anti-American, and intervened in global financial markets. America even began to fight wars on behalf of foreign governments. To avoid the perception of renting out U.S. troops to foreign countries, the nation currently pays for the privilege of defending Europe, Israel, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia out of its own treasury. America finances this policy though increased personal income taxation, money borrowed with interest from the very countries it is defending (even some borrowing from her enemies), and continual printing and debasement of the U.S. dollar via the Federal Reserve Bank (an institution modeled after Prussia’s Reichsbank). In the Korean and Vietnam conflicts, the United States government even conscripted unwilling citizens to fight for these foreign governments, a complete reversal of American policy since 1941; yet a very Prussian concept.
Thomas Jefferson said "[c]onquest is not in our principles. It is inconsistent with our government." Obviously, a major paradigm shift has occurred since the days of Jefferson. In September 1902, Canadian writer Beckles Willson wrote in the preface of his book The new America: a Study of the Imperial Republic the following: "In 1892 to have adumbrated the present role of America in Welt politik would have excited derision. Since that date, we have, however, seen an American Empire arise; alien and distant races now bow the knee to the American ruler. America's accents,though brusque and untrained, are beginning to be heard respectfully in the concert of nations." Willson uses the interesting term Welt politik (translated from German means world policy), an official German policy term that sought Germany's place in the sun commensurate with its rising industrial strength, primarily through creation of a colonial empire to rival those of other powers.
How has the United States government been able to keep its citizenry from objecting to these sweeping policy changes? Again we look back to Prussia where John Taylor Gatto tells us that during the 18th and 19th centuries “[e]very existence was comprehensively subordinated to the purposes of the State, and in exchange the State agreed to act as a good father, giving food, work, and wages suited to the people’s capacity, welfare for the poor and elderly, and universal schooling for children.” Keep this in mind when the government is offering “free” government services (i.e. health care, social security) while expanding its undeclared wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan.
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